In the first of the three housing blocks Michel de Klerk designed for the
Spaarndammerbuurt district of Amsterdam, he emphasized the shape of the
site and the location along the plantsoen, or public park, with a severe
building conceived to be viewed frontally. Referred to as the
Spaarndammerplantsoen, this block is from 1913.
The Amsterdam School was not a movement with a clear philosophy,
nor did it have a recognized leader. The true binding element within the
group was friendship, teamwork, and a common approach to the profession.
The journal Wendigen (meaning "turnings" or "changes"), which was
published between 1918 and 1931, was commonly considered to be the
magazine of the Amsterdam School, and consequently the group was
sometimes called the "Wendigen Group."
Two years after the name "Amsterdam School" had been adopted, P.
H. Endt took it upon himself to deny the existence of a School, in one
of the first issues of Wendigen: "On closer consideration, nothing
remains of the school-like unity, and so I suggest that the 'Amsterdam
School' be stifled."
The Amsterdam School favored a mode of individual expression
whose applications were as diverse as its architects. Maximum expression
was pursued with absolute conviction in the total design of
architectonic space and in the individual elements, with extensive,
sometimes excessive, use of symbols and eye-catching shapes. The
buildings were an accumulation of diverse art forms: leaded and
decorated glass, wrought ironwork and, in particular, figurative
sculpture. The latter, a distinctive feature of the school's
architecture, was seen as part of a larger piece of sculpture, an
allegory almost, of the building to which it belonged.
In 1916, for the 60th birthday of the patriarch of Dutch
architecture, Hendrik Petrus Berlage, Gratama wrote an extensive
criticism of his work, in which he also examined the connections between
designs by some young novices and those of the master. He wrote "Those
who grew up with Berlage's doctrines, now want the blossoms of the tree
whose trunk and branches are formed by rationalism. In the general,
rational style, they seek the spirited, sensitive, so profoundly
personal beauty. Young architects, like Van der May, Kramer, De Klerk
and others, want more freedom: they want to express construction and
embellishment according to their own ability and character."
The first international recognition came in the years that
followed. The English architectural historian Howard Robertson wrote in
1922 in The Architectural Review: "De Klerk is certainly one of the
newest and brightest stars in the modern constellation. His influence is
so potent as to have brought into being already a host of imitators who
may, perhaps, copy his mannerisms without comprehending his ideals. But
as De Klerk's mannerisms are as changeable as his technique is
resourceful, it is probable that his work will always remain distinct
and recognizable. The conditions prevailing in Holland as regards the
status of architecture are significant and illuminating. It is the
greater public interest in building which has made the new
manifestations possible, and at the same time it is the sponsors of the
new school who by their vigor and personality have helped largely to
create this interest."
When the cultural climate that had been so fertile for the
Amsterdam School altered in the second half of the 1920s, and the
protagonists changed their professional orientation, the most radical
qualities of that architectural vocabulary progressively disappeared and
the Amsterdam School ceased to flourish.
In 1929, when the creativity of the Amsterdam School was all but
extinguished, Henry-Russell Hitchcock, writing in Romanticism and
Regeneration, referred to the vitality and plasticity of De Klerk's and
Kramer's buildings. But he also felt that De Klerk's followers had
produced a style of conformity and had no future. It was precisely
against this conformity that the artists of De Stijl later rebelled.
They took issue with the uniformity of the categorical romanticism that
the Amsterdam School had inspired.
HOUSING AND THE CITY Amsterdam's architecture would never have been able to develop in
such a characteristic fashion without the peculiar political situation
of the time. This had created new conditions for administrative autonomy
for the municipal authorities, city expansion, and social housing. The
industrial revolution with its concomitant changes, began relatively
late in the Netherlands. Dutch capitalism based on the boom in
commercial businesses, industrial production, and shipbuilding, did not
take off until the 1870s. With it came phenomena such as industrial
concentration, urbanization, the emergence of trade unions, and a
general political awareness among the working classes. Migration to the
city meant that the housing shortage, and in its wake, speculation,
became a pressing problem. Amsterdam had 270,000 inhabitants in 1870, in
1900 the number doubled, and in 1920 there were 680,000 people.
Parliamentary committees' reports and pamphlets exposed the miserable
living conditions of the urban proletariat and indicated the social
dangers of the situation.
Internal divisions in the Dutch Parliament between anarchists,
trade unionists, and supporters of more active policies culminated in
the founding of the Social Democratic Workers Party (SDAP) in 1894. It
was to become the largest socialist party, its main preoccupation being
housing for the workers. After the International Socialist Congress held
in Paris in 1900, described municipal reforms as "the seeds of a
collectivist society," the SDAP stepped up its emphasis on the task
within its municipal councils. At the end of the century, the housing
shortage was dealt with by charitable institutions. Benevolent patrons
and individuals driven by humanitarian socialism established the first
housing associations for the working classes. This was the climate in
which, in 1901, members of the liberal government succeeded in getting a
bill passed called the Woningwet (Housing Act), which generated
tremendous changes.
The Housing Act was accompanied by a Public Health Act, which
monitoried the hygienic quality of the new houses by screening the
plans. The positive effect of these acts, rules, and financial
regulations was considerable, and was also apparent in contemporary
architecture. In 1905 Amsterdam was the first city to impose a building
code, which was to form an example for all large Dutch towns. Among its
restrictive regulations, it required that the façades of the residential
buildings present a different aspect, reflecting the rhythm of the
staircases, which had to be located at the at the front. Every dwelling
had to have direct access to stairs on every floor, with the least
possible dwellings to each staircase. This resulted in more staircases
and doors at the street side.
The fact that there was a fixed, minimum size for courtyards
meant that architects were forced to come up with a new typology for the
housing blocks, the outcome of which was a perimeter block around an
inner court. And an architect might be commissioned to design only one
side of a block. The gardens in the courtyards were sometimes public,
but usually private. These elements produced in Amsterdam, more than in
other towns, a unity of type and module, which the Amsterdam School used
for stylistic and constructive unity.
In the years between the first and third decades of this century,
the prevailing model for housing was the closed block. After a visit to
the new districts in Amsterdam in 1929, Bruno described what he saw as
the most important contribution by the Netherlands to modern
architecture: "the creation of a collective architecture, in which it is
no longer the individual house that was of special importance, but the
whole long rows of houses in a series of streets, and furthermore, the
collective reassemblage of many series of streets into a comprehensive
unity, even when such series were the work of collective architects."
Collective architecture, which maintained the tradition of the
individual -- to some extent by characterizing each building as a
separate entity, abounded in the Netherlands, contrasted with the
aesthetics of standardization which was emerging elsewhere in Europe at
the time.
The effects of the Woningwet were not immediately apparent in the
first decade after it became law. Partly due to limited funds, and
partly due to party politics. Although the Netherlands did not
participate directly in the First World War, costs trebled between 1915
and 1918. The postwar economic crisis changed everything. Government
intervention in the hard hit housing sector was inevitable. It took the
form of "crisis" funding for municipal authorities and housing
associations to support public housing.
During these years of government subsidies the Amsterdam School
had plenty of scope to build. From 1915 to 1930, Amsterdam was a
laboratory for experiments embracing the full range of socioeconomic,
technical and aesthetic factors which impinge on housing. Between 1910
and 1923 Amsterdam's housing associations built 11,867 homes, and the
city council built 4,170. Those were both the days of The Amsterdam
School and social democratic success.
The building is solid brick with a rhythmic pattern of four
stairwell towers which jut out slightly from the front façade. They rise
above the roof-line with unusual parabolic gables, framed by canted
vertical blocks resembling chimney stacks.
The first housing block of De Klerk's was built in 1913 (1). The
second, built in 1917, directly faces the first across the open public
park space (2). The third, nicknamed "the Ship," was designed in 1917,
but wasn't built until 1921 (3).
The second housing block of De Klerk's in the district was built
in 1917 for the nonprofit housing association Eigen Haard. It faces the
first block across the plantsoen, or public park.
The keel, fish scales, shells, herringbone brickwork decorations,
waves and starfish--the whole gamut of iconography which De Klerk
incorporated in this architecture, clearly relate to the formal imagery
of the sea, turning the massive building into a watery urban mirage.
Adherents to the school favored brick for its natural properties.
The fact that it could be formed by hand allowed for it to assume some
exceptional, particularized forms. The unusual color of these bricks
gives the second housing block a striking appearance and gave rise to
the nickname, "the yellow block."
The Amsterdam School believed that a building should give the
impression that it had grown organically, like a shell or a crystal. De
Klerk's treatment of corners is typical of the school; forms seem to
"erupt" through fissures in the planes of the façades.